Guido Giannettini August 22, — May 12, was an Italian secret agent. Guido Giannettini was born August 22, in Taranto. In he joined the student association Young Italy in Naples. In , he started to write in the Rivista Militare , a journal of the Italian military general staff, and participated in various NATO meetings. Giannettini participated in a colloquium on " revolutionary warfare " on 3—5 May in Rome Parco dei Principi hotel , which was organized by the Institute Alberto-Pollio, "quasi-exclusively financed by the SIFAR "  military intelligence agency. Giannettini presented there one of the main reports.
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Dozens are injured but none seriously. Eight explode and 12 people are injured. In Rome a bomb explodes in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro , wounding 14, and two devices go off at the cenotaph in the Piazza Venezia, wounding 4. Another bomb — unexploded — is discovered at the Banca Commerciale in the Piazza della Scala in Milan. Four hours later, ordinance officers blow it up.
Numerous arrests are made, chiefly of anarchists. Among those arrested is the anarchist Giuseppe Pinelli. In Vittorio Veneto, Guido Lorenzon visits lawyer Alberto Steccanella to report that a friend, Giovanni Ventura , may have been implicated in the 12 December bomb outrages. Aldo Biotti , with Michele Lener representing Calabresi, chairs the court.
The prosecution counsel is Emilio Guicciardi. Licio Gelli , head of the P2 masonic lodge , is in charge of kidnapping the president of the republic, Giuseppe Saragat. Fierce clashes between police and demonstrators. Student Enzo Santarelli dies when struck in the chest by a tear-gas canister fired by the police. The offences alleged against them are: conspiracy to subvert, procurement of weapons of war and attacks in Turin in April and on trains that August.
However, some are convicted of minor offences: Della Savia is sentenced to eight years, Braschi to six years and ten months, Faccioli to three years and six months. Tito Pulsinelli is cleared on all counts. All are freed from jail. Judge Orlando Falco presides. The prosecution counsel is Vittorio Occorsio.
After a few hearings the court declares that it is not competent to hear to hear the case. His bomb-mangled body is discovered at the foot of an electricity pylon in Segrate, Milan. Rauti is returned as deputy on the MSI ticket. Il Manifesto puts up Valpreda as a candidate but he is not elected. Merlino is also freed. This sentence is upheld on appeal on 9 March All those indicted for his death are absolved.
He will be arrested and extradited in August Freda , Ventura and Giannettini are sentenced to life imprisonment for mass murder, outrages and justifying crime. Valpreda , cleared on the basis of insufficient evidence, is sentenced to four years and six months for criminal conspiracy. Merlino receives the same sentence. Gargamelli is sentenced to 18 months for criminal conspiracy.
Bagnoli gets a two year suspended sentence. Freda and Ventura are sentenced to 15 years each for conspiracy to subvert the course of justice, for the bombings of 25 April in Milan and for the train bombs of 9 August Charges against Maletti and Labruna are dismissed. Freda , Ventura , Valpreda and Merlino are at last left out of the judicial reckoning.
After 24 days he confesses his guilt to the carabinieri in Milan, naming himself as the getaway driver in the murder of Inspector Calabresi. He also accuses Ovidio Bompressi another ex-member of Lotta Continua as the actual killer, and at Adriano Sofri and Giorgio Pietrostefani , the two leaders of that extra-parliamentary organisation, as having ordered the killing.
January — Examining magistrate Guido Salvini launches a new investigation into rightwing subversion and the Piazza Fontana massacre. April — Following the order for proceedings tabled by Judge Salvini, Grazia Pradella and Massimo Meroni are appointed prosecution counsel. Charges against Marino are thrown out.
Gianadelio Maletti is sentenced to 15 years for destroying and concealing evidence. Stefano Tringali is sentenced to three years for aiding and abetting.
Pentito Carlo Digilio receives a mandatory sentence. Amos Spiazzi and Gianadelio Maletti are finally absolved and acquitted. Now nobody is to blame for that massacre. Not even these three neo-nazi relics. We need scarcely be surprised. The first verdict, back in , came as a surprise, as did the first verdict in Catanzaro.
The verdict of 23 February that — for that first crime — passed life sentences on Franco Freda , Giovanni Ventura and Guido Giannettini. Those two verdicts were, in fact, an anomaly. If, as I believe I have shown, Piazza Fontana was a state massacre, why on earth would the state want to sit in judgment on itself?
Let alone the actual perpetrators? The Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale militants were the witting-unwitting pawns in a game bigger the one that they were playing. It will be a topic of conversation again in a few years, once nearly forty years have gone by since the massacre. By then it will be nothing but history. Revised and amended, in accordance with the dictates of the revisionism that now rules the roost.
However, the verdict from the Milan appeal court contains some spectacular contradictions. First, there is the crude contradiction. At the first trial, Stefano Tringali was sentenced to three years for aiding and abetting; now his sentence has been reduced to one year.
How can he still be guilty of aiding and abetting when the main accused have been acquitted? A mystery, one of the many mysteries created by the Italian judiciary. A pity no notice was taken of the fact that the magistrate who laid the groundwork for this trial, Guido Salvini, did not draw the line at the evidence laid by the pentiti but looked for — and found — specific confirmation of what Digilio and Siciliano had been saying.
That was not enough. The acquittal of the trio underlines the old formula of insufficient evidence — which formally no longer obtains. Retracing the sequence of the outrages, they concede that Giovanni Ventura and Franco Freda may well have been behind the Piazza Fontana bombing a nd not just the bomb attacks of 25 April in Milan and the train bombings on 9 August , for which they had already been sentenced to 15 years.
The last laugh came in Milan. The two culprits identified by the Treviso investigating magistrate — Giancarlo Stiz See Chapter 15 — On the Trail of the Fascists could be the real culprits even though there is insufficient proof of their connections with the Ordine Nuovo group in Venezia-Mestre and Milan.
However, there is this small detail: Freda and Ventura were finally acquitted on 1 August and thus could not be charged with that offence.
Then years ago the upper echelons of the Italian state — the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, who for years have effectively been working in cahoots with the Italian and American secret services using rightwing extremists as their cohorts in order to preserve the status quo in Italy, even at the price of bombs and outrages — were dropped from the case.
Pietro Valpreda died on 7 July So many other protagonists are now dead too, and many of their confederates have also left the stage.
Developments in the case have been followed vaguely by leading newspapers, and it was only the acquittal verdict that was given any real prominence. Luckily, there are some who refuse to play ball. Every 12 December many thousands of year old students demonstrate in so many squares around Italy and in Milan, and the Milan procession ends in the Piazza Fontana.
That outrage remains an indictment of the criminality of the powers that be. Very many — that has to count for something. Episode 1: The Ring Masters Episode 2: The Puppeteers Episode 3: Foot Soldiers Diario di un cronista — Terrorismo nero — parte 1. Diario di un cronista — Terrorismo nero — parte 2. Diario di un cronista Terrorismo nero parte 3. Parla Francesco Piccioni. Anni spietati — Milano — prima parte Anni spietati — Milano — seconda parte Rome, 3 May Acquittals all round , the TV and newspaper headlines read.
In fact, the Court of Cassation endorsed the verdicts acquitting Carlo Maria Maggi , Giancarlo Rognoni and Delfo Zorzi , all three of them characters and, at the time, members of the neo-Nazi Ordine Nuovo organisation in the never-ending story that began on the afternoon of 12 December From now on no magistrate is going to dare delve any further into that undergrowth.
That year he inherited a very superficial investigation into rightwing subversion from within eversione. He probed. Ordered inspections of the records of the police, study centres and state administrations.
Singling out individuals who up until that point had never been mentioned in investigations into the 12 December outrage. An unprecedented and yet at the same time tired old vista took shape. A body blow! Acquitted in those two verdicts, Freda and Ventura, together with SID informant Guido Giannettini , were nevertheless sentenced on 23 February by the Court of Assizes in Catanzaro to life imprisonment for the Piazza Fontana outrage.
A body blow, then. Pigeons coming home to roost. Investigations by a Treviso magistrate, Giancarlo Stiz , had, way back in the early 70s, identified those truly responsible for the massacre.